Mahabir Pun: The Man Who Dictated Prime Minister Balen Shah’s Clean Academia Campaign

The structural cleanup of Nepal’s academic landscape, currently being executed with surgical precision by the Balendra Shah administration, is often framed as a contemporary phenomenon. However, the man smiling behind the curtain for the priority agenda that the Prime Minister has picked up is Mahabir Pun, the lone independent member in the House of Representatives.

The narrative of educational institutions free from partisan politics—a concept that once seemed utopian in a country where political syndicates controlled every institution—once faced a brick wall. Student unions functioned less as champions of student interests and more as the primary recruitment wings for mainstream political syndicates. During his brief stint as Minister for Education, Science, and Technology between September last year to mid-February, Pun demonstrated that his primary friction point was not a lack of vision, but a clash of priorities.

Chief Justice-turned-Prime Minister Sushila Karki, preoccupied with the existential mandate of conducting elections, apparently sidelined the structural reforms that were the top priority, which Pun raised almost every time the cabinet met. At times, he embarrassed the Prime Minister by asking, “Do you really know how many Universities are there in the country that you are chancellor of?” But Pun’s public stance had already triggered a massive debate. The public did not want Nepal’s premier educational institution, set up in 2013 B.S. with the personal jewelry of Queens Kanti and Ishwari Rajya Laxmi Shah, plundered and pushed into oblivion.

Pun’s clarity on removing political influence was a direct challenge to the bhagbanda (power-sharing) culture. Prof. Dr. Bidhyanath Koirala has often echoed this, noting that “the politicization of the university has turned our temples of learning into warehouses for party loyalists.” Pun identifies the rot as deeply structural, specifically targeting the union culture.

“All these trade unions—whether for lecturers, students, or employees—have rotten the charm and integrity of our institutions,” Pun explains. “They claim to be non-partisan, but they are divided by party lines. They see each other as enemies and create a mess. Political party-based unions inside universities should be strictly banned.” While he suggests that non-party affiliated councils could still raise student concerns, he is adamant that the current “warehouse” model must end.

Nowhere was this struggle more visible than in the fight over Tribhuvan University’s (TU) encroached geography. The history of TU’s land is a history of state-sanctioned theft. Pun was the first to weaponize the report generated during Bidhya Bhattarai’s tenure, which had become a “dead letter” under the KP Sharma Oli government. Pun mustered the courage to make the Trital report public, but the Karki government showed no courage to act. Speaking on the tenacity of these interests, Pun noted:

“Those who have encroached on TU land—and not only TU, but also Nepal Sanskrit University—will not easily leave. They have put their roots so deep due to decades of political power-sharing. Power may have to be used to push these encroachers aside.” Pun highlighted the scale of the crisis, noting that nearly 300 Bighas of Nepal Sanskrit University’s 1,300 Bigha landholding remains under illegal occupation.

Pun did not give up. He chose to quit the government and contest as an independent candidate. His transition into active politics was as unconventional as his wireless internet projects in the Himalayas, but definitely marked with quiet determination. His entry into Parliament shifted the atmospheric pressure of the House. Even the present Education Minister, Sashmit Pokharel, notably reached for pen and paper to transcribe Pun’s words—a visual metaphor for a veteran’s wisdom finally being treated as a textbook for the new guard.

However, Pun remains a cautious observer of the current momentum. While Prime Minister Balen Shah seems to have listened to Pun regarding land recovery and partisan politics, Pun believes the ultimate reform is still pending.

“This step is praiseworthy, but the government has yet to speak on removing the Prime Minister as Chancellor,” Pun says. “The PM cannot hold 18 universities and contribute anything meaningful; a distinguished academic figure should be given that chance. Cleaning should start from the top and move down, but this government seems to be working from the bottom up.”

Prime Minister Balen Shah may not have spoken much in Parliament, but his actions suggest he is a student of the Pun Doctrine. Whether he will take the final, most difficult step of “cleaning from the top” will define the ultimate success of this academic resurgence.